Burling (1966) proposed an unusual change in which stops /t/ and /k/ w
ere added after -i and *-u in the history of the Tibeto-Burman langua
ge, Maru. Miller (1970) took Burling to task for what he called his 't
heory of the spontaneous generation of final stops'. However, a simila
r change involving the spirants /s/ and /x/ is found in certain Austro
nesian languages of the Land Dayak group. In both cases the epenthetic
obstruent is word-final, and hence increases the markedness of the sy
llable type. In addition, the added segment agrees in backness with th
e preceding vowel, suggesting a non-arbitrary correlation between vowe
l and consonant features which goes beyond the correlation commonly no
ted in such assimilatory changes as palatalization. Although the affin
ity of high back vowels for velar consonants is theoretically expected
in the now traditional feature framework of Chomsky and Halle (1968),
the affinity of high front vowels for dental consonants is not. This
problem disappears if we adopt a suggestion made repeatedly in recent
years that the feature [coronal], which was originally restricted to c
onsonants, be extended to vowels.