Mauritian Creole has a null (i.e. phi) and overt form (i.e. ete) of th
e copula, which are in complementary distribution. The former occurs i
n the context of a following overt phrase, the latter in the context o
f a following wh-trace, although in root interrogatives lacking overt
functional categories, they are optional. The phenomenon is therefore
similar to auxiliary contraction in English or copula deletion in Blac
k English Vernacular. The paper examines the nature of this distributi
on and proposes a unified approach to the variable forms of the copula
in these languages. It further explores the condition whereby the nul
l form in Mauritian Creole becomes possible in root interrogatives and
suggests that an optional V-I-C movement operates, which, if it appli
es, results in the copula being in C where It is followed by an overt
phrase. The final part of the paper addresses the question of why the
copula is overt in the context of a following trace. It is suggested,
following a proposal in Aoun et al. (1987) on the licensing of traces,
that wh-traces in Mauritian Creole require a ''visible'' head governo
r in order to satisfy the ECP. The paper lends support to Aoun et al.'
s suggestion that the ECP be carved up so that its licensing condition
applies at PF and its identification requirement at LF.