T. Swaab et al., SPOKEN SENTENCE COMPREHENSION IN APHASIA - EVENT-RELATED POTENTIAL EVIDENCE FOR A LEXICAL INTEGRATION DEFICIT, Journal of cognitive neuroscience, 9(1), 1997, pp. 39-66
In this study the N400 component of the event-related potential was us
ed to investigate spoken sentence understanding in Broca's and Wernick
e's aphasics. The aim of the study was to determine whether spoken sen
tence comprehension problems in these patients might result from a def
icit in the on-line integration of lexical information. Subjects liste
ned to sentences spoken at a normal rate. In half of these sentences,
the meaning of the final word of the sentence matched the semantic spe
cifications of the preceding sentence context. In the other half of th
e sentences, the sentence-final word was anomalous with respect to the
preceding sentence context. The N400 was measured to the sentence-fin
al words in both conditions. The results for the aphasic patients (n =
14) were analyzed according to the severity of their comprehension de
ficit and compared to a group of 12 neurologically unimpaired age-matc
hed controls, as well as a group of 6 nonaphasic patients with a lesio
n in the right hemisphere. The nonaphasic brain damaged patients and t
he aphasic patients with a light comprehension deficit (high comprehen
ders, n = 7) showed an N400 effect that was comparable to that of the
neurologically unimpaired subjects. In the aphasic patients with a mod
erate to severe comprehension deficit (low comprehenders, n = 7), a re
duction and delay of the N400 effect was obtained. In addition, the P3
00 component was measured in a classical oddball paradigm, in which su
bjects were asked to count infrequent low tones in a random series of
high and low tones. No correlation was found between the occurrence of
N400 and P300 effects, indicating that changes in the N400 results we
re related to the patients' language deficit. Overall, the pattern of
results was compatible with the idea that aphasic patients with modera
te to severe comprehension problems are impaired in the integration of
lexical information into a higher order representation of the precedi
ng sentence context.