Historically, women have long been encouraged to eat and drink in labo
ur. The purpose was twofold; first to ensure adequate nutritional inta
ke for the mother to sustain herself during what could be a long and d
ifficult labour, and second to expedite labour by encouraging strong u
terine contractions. Ancient (and not so ancient) literature contains
numerous accounts and suggestions as to what to administer to augment
labour ranging from herbal teas to gunpowder (Broach and Newton, 1988)
. The policy of encouraging women to maintain their oral intake throug
hout labour continued until the late 1940s when it was appreciated tha
t labouring women were particularly at risk from the dangers of aspira
tion if general anaesthesia were employed, fasting in labour and then
became established practice. Anaesthetists came to regard the stomach
of the mother with awe and dread and saw strict abstension from any or
al intake in labour as a vital weapon in their battle against aspirati
on pneumonitis. Certainly the last 40 years has seen a marked fall in
anaesthetic related mortality, but the precise contribution of starvat
ion in labour to this reduction remains unclear. We have now come full
circle and the traditional policy of starvation in labour is under sc
rutiny. In the most recent survey on practice of oral intake in labour
in maternity units in the United Kingdom in 1989, 96% of units alread
y allow mothers some form of oral intake (Michael et al, 1991). This a
rticle examines the origins of the traditional nil by mouth policy and
attempts a systematic review of the evidence both in support and agai
nst it. In the light of current knowledge, the authors review the bala
nce of risk between liberalization of feeding in labour and the danger
of aspiration pneumonitis. Points to be considered when devising a fe
eding policy are discussed.