J. Stepannorris et M. Zeitlin, UNION DEMOCRACY, RADICAL LEADERSHIP, AND THE HEGEMONY OF CAPITAL, American sociological review, 60(6), 1995, pp. 829-850
Are democratic or authoritarian unions more effective in defending and
advancing workers' interests? Generally, the answers given are untheo
retical, agnostic, or impressionistic-and unsupported by systematic em
pirical studies. The theory guiding our analysis is that a union with
a democratic constitution, institutionalized opposition, and an active
membership would tend to constitute a worker's immediate political co
mmunity and sustain both class solidarity and a sense of identity betw
een members and their leaders. As a result, such democratic unions wou
ld also defy the hegemony of capital in the sphere of production. Cons
istent with this theory, a contingency analysis of a sample of contrac
ts won by CIO unions from 1938 to 1955 shows that those contracts won
by stable highly democratic unions were more likely to be pro-labor th
an were those won by stable moderately democratic or stable oligarchic
al unions. The contracts won by unions with organized factions also we
re far more likely to be pro-labor than were those won by unions with
sporadic factions or no factions. This pattern held both among the uni
ons in the Communist camp and those in shifting or anti-Communist camp
s. Further OLS analysis shows that constitutional democracy, organized
factions, and Communist leadership (which approached statistical sign
ificance) each had independent effects in limiting the power of capita
l in the immediate production process.