Cuetos and Mitchell (1988) observed that in constructions in which a r
elative clause can attach to one of two possible sites, English speake
rs prefer the more recent attachment site, but Spanish speakers prefer
the least recent attachment site, in violation of the proposed univer
sal principle Late Closure (Recency Preference), which favors attachme
nts to the most recent sites. Based on this evidence, Cuetos and Mitch
ell concluded that Late Closure is not a universal principle of the hu
man sentence processing mechanism. In this paper, we provide new evide
nce from Spanish and English self-paced reading experiments on relativ
e clause attachment ambiguities that involve three possible attachment
sites. The results of our experiments suggest that a principle like L
ate Closure is in fact universally operative in the human parser, but
that it is modulated by at least one other factor in the processing of
relative clause attachment ambiguities. We propose that the second fa
ctor involved in the processing of these and related constructions is
the principle of Predicate Proximity, according to which attachments a
re preferred to be as structurally close to the head of a predicate ph
rase as possible, and we further consider the origins and predictions
of the theory combining these two factors.