Five implicit priming experiments examined whether the speech producti
on system can plan noninitial morphemes of a word in advance of initia
l ones. On each trial, subjects had to produce one word out of a set o
f three words as quickly as possible. In a homogeneous condition, the
responses shared part of their form, whereas in a heterogeneous condit
ion they did not. The first experiment shows that the task is sensitiv
e to morphological planning. In producing disyllabic simple and compou
nd nouns, a larger facilitatory effect was obtained when a shared init
ial syllable constituted a morpheme than when it did not. The next thr
ee experiments suggest that successive morphemes are planned in serial
order. In producing nominal compounds, no facilitation was obtained f
or noninitial morphemes. In producing: prefixed verbs, facilitation wa
s obtained for the prefix but not for the noninitial base. Sharing mor
phemes often implies semantic overlap. The fifth experiment shows that
semantic similarity per se yields inhibition rather than facilitation
. Computer simulations show that the WEAVER model of word-form encodin
g (Roelofs, 1992b, 1994, submitted-a) accounts for the findings. (C) 1
996 Academic Press, Inc.