KOREAN PARTIAL REDUPLICATION RECONSIDERED

In a series of papers, Jun (1991, 1993, and 1994) develops an analysis of partial reduplication in Korean ideophones in which both the input and the output must consist of a single foot ending in a closed sylla ble. Thus, according to Jun, Korean partial reduplication displays met rical weight consistency. In Jun's analysis, partial reduplication inv olves the suffixing of the final base syllable with the subsequent del etion of any coda consonants from the original final syllable of the b ase. His analysis crucially assumes that Korean tense (or fortis) cons onants and aspirated consonants are underlyingly geminate (or moraic). In this paper we offer a different analysis of Korean partial redupli cation framed within the prosodic circumscription theory of McCarthy a nd Prince (1990). We argue that reduplication entails the suffixing of a syllable template to the initial bisyllabic foot, with a foot-final consonant being extraprosodic. We show that our analysis is preferabl e to that of Jun's in that it accounts for patterns of partial redupli cation that Jun did not consider. These patterns call into question th e maintenance of metrical weight consistency. Moreover, we show that t he Korean phonological evidence does not support Jun's crucial assumpt ion that Korean fortis and aspirated consonants are underlyingly gemin ate or moraic.