Ma. Piroggood et Dh. Good, CHILD-SUPPORT ENFORCEMENT FOR TEENAGE FATHERS - PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS, Journal of policy analysis and management, 14(1), 1995, pp. 25-42
Data from the NLSY (National Longitudinal Survey of Labor Market Exper
iences-Youth Cohort) indicate that about 7.3 percent of teenage males
become fathers and that very few of these fathers live with their chil
dren. Father absence and the concurrent increase in female-headed hous
eholds are closely associated with the impoverishment of children. Mos
t absent teen fathers never come into contact with the child support e
nforcement program, and the extent to which they financially support t
heir children informally is not well understood. While the income of a
bsent teen fathers is low in the teen years, it increases over time, a
s does the potential for collecting child support. Nevertheless, men w
ho were absent teen fathers earn less in early adulthood than men who
deferred parenting until age 20 or later and teen fathers who lived wi
th their children. Early establishment of paternity and greater standa
rdization in the treatment of adolescent fathers by the child support
enforcement program are recommended. Further, the substantial and pers
istent income deficit experienced by adolescent fathers who live apart
from their children raises an interesting dilemma. While children may
benefit financially and psychosocially from living with two parents,
the lower income of men who were absent teenage fathers may make them
poor marital prospects. This raises doubts about the recent recommenda
tions of some scholars that we should bring back the shotgun wedding.