Republicanism and liberalism are depicted here, under some ideal-typin
g of the traditions, as philosophies of liberty-negative liberty-that
take opposite sides on broad issues: 1) whether the law is necessarily
a partial assault on people's liberty-an assault that may be for the
good overall-or something that is constitutive, at least in part, of w
hatever liberty citizens enjoy; 2) whether or not citizens and politic
ians can and should be expected-perhaps under institutionally designed
pressures-to be public-spirited; and 3) whether the ideal of liberty
invites state intervention of the sort that is designed to empower ind
ividuals or whether it is essentially tied to a minimalist image of go
vernment. Republicanism sees liberty as the social status of a citizen
who is recognised and empowered, equally with others, before a suitab
le rule of law; it sees liberty as a status that is secure only so far
as the republic is peopled and run by individuals who display civic v
irtue, whether spontaneously or under well designed institutional pres
sures; and, finally, it sees the dispensation of liberty as something
that may in principle require a large state presence in areas like edu
cation, medicine, and social security. Liberalism, at least in its pur
e form, presents liberty as a condition ideally enjoyed, out of societ
y, when there is no one else around; it holds that, given the possibil
ity of invisible hand mechanisms, citizens and politicians need not be
public-spirited for liberty to thrive; and it interprets the demands
of liberty in a way that supports a minimalist assumption about how go
vernment ought to behave.