The concept of ''political cleavage'' has been a vital part of modern
political science since the famous publication Party Systems and Voter
Alignments by Seymour M. Lipset and Stein Rokkan appeared in 1967. Hi
storically documented cleavages were the basis for analytical model co
nstructions, which in turn provided the theoretical foundation for emp
irical analyses of behavior and preferences. The Lipset/Rokkan model h
as, however, been criticized for not giving an accurate description of
historical events and processes. In recent years the model has, in ad
dition, been criticized for not being able to capture recent trends in
terms of dealignment and realignment. As a supplement to, or replacem
ent of, the old model several new cleavages have been suggested. Neith
er the original contributors nor their critics have explicitly defined
the concept of political cleavage. This has clearly led to some confu
sion in the scholarly debate. Stefano Bartolini and Peter Mair have gi
ven a very perceptive explication of Lipset and Rokkan's cleavage mode
l by emphasizing the following three aspects: the need for a socio-eco
nomic basis for a cleavage, the building of a collective identity conn
ected to the cleavage, and, finally, the establishment of organization
al ties. Going back to the initial formulation of the cleavage model,
it is clear that although socio-economic location historically has pla
yed an important role, it is neither a sufficient nor a necessary cond
ition for the establishment of a cleavage. With regard to the discussi
on of new versus old cleavages, the Lipset/Rokkan model tells us that
we should be careful not to neglect the importance of collective ident
ity and institutional anchoring.