The proposition that poor housing and congested living conditions have
a detrimental impact on health has been promulgated for at least 150
years. At a minimum, two major causal mechanisms are thought to be inv
olved in the relationship between crowding and physical health. First.
high levels of household crowding can produce stress that leads to il
lness. Second, through shared physical proximity, household congestion
contributes to the spread of communicable disease. The outcomes can b
e exacerbated by poor quality housing. A significant body of research,
conducted primarily in affluent countries, has documented the detrime
ntal effects of housing conditions on a variety of illnesses, includin
g various contagious diseases. Poor housing has even been linked to hi
gh infant and adult mortality rates. The view that poor housing condit
ions and household crowding inevitably leads to poor health is challen
ged, however, by several observers, who question the role played by bo
th crowding and housing quality. Most existing research has been condu
cted in affluent countries. Little is known, however, about the nature
of these relationships within the context of less developed countries
, where health status and housing quality are generally much poorer an
d where levels of household crowding are generally higher. Determinati
on of the effects, if any, of housing quality-including household crow
ding-on physical health in developing countries is particularly import
ant given the rapid growth of their urban populations and the difficul
ty of increasing the physical infrastructure fast enough to keep pace
with this growth. This paper reports on an investigation of the impact
of housing conditions and household crowding in the context of one de
veloping country, Thailand. Using data from a representative sample of
households in Bangkok (N = 2017), our results provide reason for some
skepticism regarding the influence on housing on health, at least in
its objective dimensions. While the skepticism of some is based on a r
eading of the evidence in Western countries, we likewise find that, in
Bangkok, objective indicators of housing quality and household crowdi
ng are little related to health. We do find, however, that subjective
aspects of housing and of crowding, especially housing satisfaction an
d a felt lack of privacy, have detrimental effects on health. Furtherm
ore, psychological distress is shown to have a potent influence on the
physical health of Bangkokians. Our analyses suggest that all three f
actors have independent effects on health outcomes bearing on both men
and women.