Recent investigations of filler-gap dependencies in sentence processin
g have generally assumed that the parser must compute an antecedent-tr
ace relation in which the trace site is identical to the canonical pos
ition of the moved phrase. In a recent article, Pickering and Barry (1
991) challenge this view and present arguments against a processing ac
count involving traces (or empty categories) and propose a ''direct as
sociation hypothesis'' (DAH) in which a preposed phrase is directly as
sociated with its subcategoriser (either verb or preposition). But the
apparent validity of the arguments against the empty category analysi
s stems from the fact that only a narrow range of examples was discuss
ed. An examination of a wider range of structures involving filler-gap
dependencies reveals that the arguments presented by Pickering and Ba
rry fail to support the DAH.