Connectionist accounts of inflectional morphology have focused on the
domain of the English past tense in which the default process (add/ed/
) reflects the process of suffixation adopted by the majority of forms
in the language. Connectionist models exploit the imbalance between E
nglish regular and irregular verbs when learning the past tense and wh
en responding to novel forms in a default fashion. Not all inflectiona
l systems have a default which is characterised by a majority of forms
in the language. The Arabic plural system has been cited as one such
system where a minority default process operates-the ''sound'' plural
in Arabic applies to only a minority of the forms in the lexicon, yet
it appears to adopt the role of a default for novel nouns. We contrast
two types of default process that might lead to this behaviour, a sym
bolic default and a distributional default. We provide a detailed anal
ysis of the phonological similarity structure of the Arabic plural sys
tem and conclude that it is unlikely the distribution of singular Arab
ic nouns can support a distributional default for the sound plural. Ne
vertheless, classification networks and pattern association networks p
erform surprisingly well at the task of learning the Arabic plural and
generalising to unseen Arabic nouns. In fact, the performance of a ne
ural network classifier exceeds the performance of a symbolic hybrid '
'rule-associative'' model even when the latter is optimised for correc
t classification. We conclude that the default rule is redundant, sinc
e generalisation to novel forms is more accurately predicted by the si
milarity structure in the phonological space of Arabic nouns alone. Fi
nally, we present a set of empirical predictions for children's; acqui
sition of the Arabic plural system, derived from the network simulatio
ns.