VERB PREFIXATION IN RUSSIAN AS LEXICAL SUBORDINATION

We argue that a large class of Russian prefixed verbs has essentially the same semantic structure as resultative constructions in English of the type paint the door green. We analyze both phenomena as instances of lexical subordination: although it is syntactically a secondary pr edicator, green expresses the primary (''core'') semantic predication, while paint is a secondary subordinated semantic predicate. The expre ssion therefore means 'cause to become green by painting'. In the Russ ian vyteret' stol 'wipe down the table' (literally 'out-wipe table'), the prefix vy- is semantically primary and the verb stem is subordinat ed. By virtue of this shaved semantic structure, Russian prefixation c an only access internal arguments (objects, or subjects of unaccusativ es) and Russian prefixed verbs may support ''fake'' or unselected obje ct constructions, akin to English resultatives such as drink the pub d ry or sing oneself hoarse. From pisat' 'write' we have ispisat' rucku 'out-write pen' 'to run out of ink (of a pen)', in which the direct ob ject 'pen' is not selected by pisat' 'write'. Since these unselected o bjects are arguments of the prefixed verb complex, we conclude (with G oldberg 1995, against Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995) that unselected objects in English resultatives are also arguments (of the constructio n). We extend our analysis to the steal/rob alternation and offering a n explanation of why in some languages, verbs of manner of motion (e.g . run) behave like unergative verbs while the same verbs with directio nal complements/adjuncts (e.g. run into the room) behave like unaccusa tive verbs. We discuss the repercussions for the interpretation of not ions such as ''complex predicate'' and ''construction.''