In recent redistricting and juror exclusion cases, the Supreme Court h
as expressed hostility to the idea that government may consider racial
or gender group membership in making decisions that determine the com
position of representative institutions. Instead, the Court has insist
ed that government must think of voters and jurors solely as individua
l actors, who cannot be recognized as having similar interests, experi
ences, or perspectives as other persons who share their race or sex. W
hatever merit there may be in adopting this exclusively individualisti
c approach in the area of civil rights and privileges, Professors Amar
and Brownstein argue that it is an inadequate basis for understanding
the Constitution's equality requirements when political rights are at
issue. Instead of focusing exclusively on the individual, our constit
utional tradition acknowledges a dual dimension to political rights, c
onsisting of both an individualistic, dignitary component and a group-
based, instrumental component This tradition developed out of the poli
tical and legal struggles to extend the franchise to black men and to
women through the Fifteenth and Nineteenth Amendments and underlies ov
er 100 years of case law interpreting the nature of political equality
for constitutional purposes. Political rights in America have always
reflected an uneasy tension between respect for the individual and a c
oncern for the ability of groups to influence government. When the mod
ern Court ignores the group and instrumental dimensions of political r
ights in our history, it avoids rather than resolves the hard question
s and grounds constitutional doctrine in this area on an unstable foun
dation.