Transformation of work and new model of qualification/training

The 1990s saw a proliferation of studies on "workplace innovations." This a rticle seeks to examine the implications of these innovations. Indeed, alth ough it is now undeniable that workplaces are changing at a breathtaking pa ce, thereby calling into question the principles of Taylorist work organiza tion, can it therefore be concluded that there is a trend towards generaliz ed job reskilling? This paper takes up the debate around this issue. More p articularly, is it legitimate to speak of a general evolutionary trend, eit her towards job reskilling or job deskilling? This question leads us to challenge "optimistic" and "pessimistic" argument s, both of which presume a linear trend in the evolution of skills, by putt ing forward the idea of a change in the model of qualification. We show tha t there was a paradigm shift in the early 1990s. In fact, the 1970s and 198 0s debate on the evolution of skills in terms of deskilling and reskilling was replaced, in the early 1990s, by a debate about the change in the model of qualification. Rather than approaching the question in terms of evoluti on, it is now addressed in terms of a break, that is, a break between the T aylorist model of qualification and a new model for which there is no short age of names. But whether we call it a "competences" model or an "occupatio nal skills" model, most studies stress a range of aspects that might make i t possible to define the emerging new model of qualification as post-Taylor ist. However, is it really the case that there is a general trend towards j ob reskilling? In the first part of this article, the theoretical debate on qualification is set out. It is shown that the terms of this debate shifted from a discus sion of the "evolution" to that of a "break" in the model of qualification. We will see how a certain number of theories or arguments have recently co ntributed to broadening the debate about this concept. Thus, the article is constructed around the hypothesis that a new model of qualification and tr aining is emerging in some job sectors in Quebec. This new model contrasts with the Taylorist model which, on the basis of fragmented jobs, produced a n artificial system of seniority-based promotion. The new model promotes wo rk organization based on multiskilling, which requires new knowledge and gi ves new importance to training; in some cases, classifications and promotio ns are based on skills rather than the position held. After defining this "new model," a number of studies carried out over the l ast fifteen years by the author on skills and training in firms in the Queb ec service sector will be presented, and the ongoing trends in this sector will be described. Although a new model of qualification and training emerg ed from the case studies, we show that, instead of a general process of res killing, what is occurring is a dual process of deskilling/reskilling, depe nding on the personnel involved. For example, a detailed study of the train ing courses given by firms in the financial sector leads us to question wha t is behind the term "innovation," as it applies to training. Although it c an be maintained that the training courses currently being implemented are really "innovations" compared to the traditional "Taylorist" model of train ing, it is still not clear that all jobs can be restructured to the point w here they would truly qualify as reskilled and enriched positions. Thus, bringing the deskilling/reskilling processes to the fore allows us to challenge the currently prevailing thesis about job reskilling. However, t he way in which these processes are established remains to be specified. Do we revert to the theory of a polarization of skills, which widens the gap between skilled and unskilled jobs? To conclude, we argue that the evolutio n of the labour market needs to be considered in the analysis of the evolut ion of skills. In fact, although a process of reskilling is clearly occur-r ing in some areas of employment, it must be linked to other processes in th e job market which are just as important. Indeed, alongside the process of reskilling, a process of deskilling is also occurring, a process that might eventually just throw part of the workforce out of the job market, disqual ifying them. Thus, the analysis of trends in qualification can no longer be limited to the analysis of workplace transformations only. If sociological analysis is to focus on the transformations of work and skills as a total much less than break much greater than from the Fordist model of regulation , it must go beyond the firm and make the link with labour market transform ations in order to lake into account the growing part of the population who are unemployed or have precarious jobs. Only then will sociologists be abl e to provide a realistic picture of the current transformation of work and evolution of skills which, we believe, cannot be characterized as a simple process of job reskilling. In fact, job security, which was at the core of the Fordist model, is being increasingly challenged in the current period. This is occurring first in firms, through job restructuring. Sociological research should therefore co ncentrate more on what we call "the hidden face of multiskilling," i.e., th e redistribution of skills among different groups of workers. Analysis shou ld never conflate multiskilling, or even the new forms of work organization , with job reskilling. In fact, in the end, multiskilling often translates into a deskilling for less qualified employees, resulting in a pure and sim ple rejection by the labour market. This suggests that the current situatio n of the labour market requires us to return to and deepen earlier analyses of skill polarization (Braverman, 1976; Freyssenet, 1977) and labour marke t segmentation (Piore and Doeringer, 1980; Edwards, Reich and Gordon, 1975) . To this end, it seems that we should go beyond analyses that seek to juxt apose case studies focused on restructuring solely at the level of the firm . Research needs to be undertaken that situates case studies in the broader context of industry-level analyses which take job market transformations i nto account. We also need to begin longitudinal studies that take long-term transformations into account, which is the only way we will ever be in a p osition to fully understand the wider implications of the current restructu ring of work and skills.