In this paper, we address the functional role of the orthographic real
isation of the linking schwa in Dutch nominal compounds. From a diachr
onic perspective, the linking schwa is a historical relic of the now o
bsolete morphological system of medieval Dutch. Synchronically, howeve
r, it appears in two orthographic forms, -e and -en, both of which are
homographs of high-frequency inflectional affixes. The suffix -e prim
arily functions as an agreement marker without intrinsic meaning. The
suffix -en primarily realises plural number on nouns and verbs. Are pl
ural semantics activated in the mental lexicon when the linking schwa
is written as the plural suffix? This question has become relevant for
Dutch in the light of a recent change in the spelling rules which now
prescribe the -en spelling for compounds with no meaning of plurality
. We addressed this question by means of four experiments, which revea
led that writing the linking schwa in the orthographic form of the plu
ral suffix does indeed lead to the activation of the plural semantics,
even when plural semantics are not intended. We interpret our results
within the framework of a parallel dual-route model of morphological
processing.