Welsh philologists have long noted that non-finite clauses headed by a
verbal noun display considerable variation in the marking of the noti
onal subject of intransitive verbs. This argument is sometimes marked
like a transitive agent, sometimes like a transitive object. This pape
r demonstrates that two systems of independent variables, the intrinsi
c denotational content of the intransitive subject NP and the aktionsa
rt and control characteristics of the lexical verb, serve to constrain
this variation to only a small residue, These variables are shown to
be articulated one to another hierarchically, rather than paradigmatic
ally. The resulting case-marking system is thus typologically a 'fluid
' rather than 'split' intransitive system in the terminology of Dixon
(1979). It is argued that the particular case-marking model employed (
'the coding view') allows partially variable 'fluid' systems like the
one described here to be compared extensionally (rather than intension
ally) with other partially variable 'fluid' and categorical 'split' sy
stems (including Tsova-Tush and Georgian, respectively). A particular
approach to the theory and typology of grammatical variation in case-m
arking systems is advocated in terms of this model, It is further argu
ed that the proposed typological distinction between 'split' and 'flui
d' intransitivity is nothing other than a more general, orthogonal var
iable of 'categorical' versus 'partially variable' case-marking splits
readily observable in other case-marking domains and not specific to
intransitive subject case-marking.