This paper proposes a set of constraints within the framework of Optimality
Theory that accounts for syllable-final laryngeal neutralization and voici
ng assimilation in obstruent clusters. The interaction of positional faithf
ulness and markedness is shown to result in laryngeal neutralization. Regre
ssive assimilation is shown to be a result of the interaction of positional
faithfulness with a constraint preferring adjacent obstruents to agree in
voicing. Rerankings of the proposed constraints account for attested patter
ns of voicing assimilation and neutralization: unlike previous neutralizati
on and spread analyses, this approach makes the correct prediction that it
is equally natural for voicing assimilation in clusters to combine with eit
her devoicing of or retention of voicing distinctions in word-final consona
nts. It is argued that the interactions of these constraints account for wh
y voicing assimilation is always regressive unless special circumstances ho
ld.