Professor Cross challenges the conclusion of many Public Choice theorists t
hat government's judicial branch is more amenable to making good public pol
icy than the legislative or executive branches. These theorists' conclusion
is based partly on the notion that lawmakers, perennially concerned about
funding reelection campaigns, are more susceptible to narrow special intere
sts than are life-tenured judges. Professor Cross points out, however, that
this conclusion ignores aspects of the structure of the judiciary that len
d it to manipulation by special interests at the expense of the public inte
rest. Special interests can exercise control over public policy through the
judiciary in a variety of ways, including marshaling their superior resour
ces in litigation against the more diffuse public interest, invoking the ju
dicial requirement of standing to keep the representatives of the public in
terest out of court, and engaging in "precedent purchasing." Professor Cros
s also argues that some Public Choice theorists have taken their point abou
t legislators' susceptibility to private interests too far. After all, legi
slators are ultimately answerable to the voters at large, and if voters per
ceive that one of their representatives is completely in thrall to special
interests, they will presumably elect her out of office. Finally, Professor
Cross presents recent examples of the judiciary's susceptibility to narrow
private interests in the areas of private enterprise, environmental law, a
nd legislative procedural reform.