Influenza is associated with a significant economic burden on both society
and the individual, resulting in considerable healthcare costs and loss of
productivity, as well as intangible costs such as suffering, grief and soci
al disruption. The incidence and severity of influenza infection depend, at
least in part, on the age and health status of the population. For example
, the incidence of influenza is relatively high among children and young ad
ults, but serious complications are much more likely to occur among the ver
y young (<1 year of age) and the elderly (>65 years of age). School absente
eism tends to peak in the first half of a typical 6- to 8-week influenza ep
idemic, followed by workplace absenteeism in the latter half as school-aged
children pass the infection to family members.
Cost-of-illness studies are used by policy-makers to justify budgets and se
t priorities for prevention programmes, research and other expenditures. On
the basis of German Sickness Fund data, recent estimates indicate that the
cost of an influenza epidemic in that country is approximately 2 billion D
eutschmarks (approximate to$US 1.4 billion). The bulk of these costs reflec
ts indirect costs associated with lost productivity, a finding also noted i
n an earlier French cost-of-illness study of influenza. Thus, the main econ
omic burden of influenza falls on infected individuals, their employers and
their relatives. Methodology used in cost-of-illness studies can be quite
variable. For example, two main approaches are used in measuring indirect c
osts (human capital and willingness to pay), although there is controversy
as to which is the preferred method. Thus, investigators involved in cost-o
f-illness studies must be explicit regarding study methodology in order to
allow for appropriate interpretation of study results by interested parties
.