The combined temporal and spatial resolution of MEG (magnetoencephalography
) was used to study whether the same brain areas are similarly engaged in r
eading comprehension in normal and developmentally dyslexic adults. To extr
act a semantically sensitive stage of brain activation we manipulated the a
ppropriateness of sentence-ending words to the preceding sentence context.
Sentences, presented visually one word at a time, either ended with a word
that was (1) expected, (2) semantically appropriate but unexpected, (3) sem
antically anomalous but sharing the initial letters With the expected word,
or (4) both semantically and orthographically inappropriate to the sentenc
e context. In both subject groups all but the highly expected sentence endi
ngs evoked strong cortical responses, localized most consistently in the le
ft superior temporal cortex, although additional sources were occasionally
found in more posterior parietal and temporal areas and in the right hemisp
here. Thus, no significant differences were found in the spatial distributi
on of brain areas involved in semantic processing between fluent and dyslex
ic readers. However both timing and strength of activation clearly differed
between the two groups. First, activation sensitivity to word meaning with
in a sentence context began about 100 msec later in dyslexic than in contro
l subjects. This is likely to result from affected presemantic processing s
tages in dyslexic readers. Second, the neural responses Were significantly
weaker in dyslexic than in control subjects, indicating involvement of a sm
aller or less-synchronous neural population in reading comprehension. Third
, in contrast to control subjects, the dyslexic readers showed significantl
y weaker activation to semantically inappropriate words that began with the
same letters as the most expected word than to both orthographically and s
emantically inappropriate sentence-ending words. Thus, word recognition by
the dyslexic group seemed to be qualitatively different: Whereas control su
bjects perceived words as wholes, dyslexic subjects may have relied on subl
exical word recognition and occasionally mistook a correctly beginning word
for the one they had expected.