Syllable asymmetries in comparative Yoruba phonology

Syllables display symmetrical and asymmetrical properties in two Yoruba dia lects. In the asymmetrical dialect, only a vowel with an onset participates in syllable-conditioned processes; an onsetless vowel is syllabically iner t. In the symmetrical dialect, a vowel, with or without an onset, participa tes in syllable processes. It is argued that onsetless vowels are not sylla bified in the asymmetrical dialect. Since there is no phonological contrast between syllables with onsets and those without onsets in the symmetrical dialect, all vowels are parsed into syllables exhaustively. Using ideas fro m Optimality Theory, attested interdialectal variation is shown to follow f rom different rankings of the same syllable and faithfulness constraints.