Verb agreement with a nominative element is severely constrained in Iceland
ic when a Quirky subject is present: only partial (number, not person) agre
ement obtains. This paper tries to account for this restriction in terms of
Bonets 1994 Person-Case-Constraint, which blocks object person agreement w
hen agreement with a dative element takes place. I put forward the idea tha
t agreement obtains with Quirky subjects, but fails to show up morphologica
lly on the verb for non-syntactic reasons. The analysis is extended to othe
r languages, which allows me to address the issue of the nature of Quirky C
ase, and of inherent Case more generally.