Recent neuropsychological and imaging data have implicated different brain
networks in the processing of different word classes, nouns being linked pr
imarily to posterior, visual object-processing regions and verbs to frontal
, motor-processing areas. However, as most of these studies have examined w
ords in isolation, the consequences of such anatomically based representati
onal differences, if any, for the processing of these items in sentences re
mains unclear. Additionally, in some languages many words (e.g.'drink') are
class-ambiguous, i.e. they can play either role depending on context, and
it is not yet known how the brain stores and uses information associated wi
th such lexical items in context. We examined these issues by recording eve
nt-related potentials (ERPs) in response to unambiguous nouns (e.g. 'beer')
, unambiguous verbs (e.g.'eat') class-ambiguous words and pseudowords used
as nouns or verbs within two types of minimally contrastive sentence contex
ts: noun-predicting (e.g.'John wanted THE [target] but...') and verb-predic
ting ('John wanted TO [target] but...'). Our results indicate that the natu
re of neural processing for nouns and verbs is a function of both the type
of stimulus and the role it is playing. Even when the context completely sp
ecifies their role, word class-ambiguous items differ from unambiguous ones
over frontal regions by similar to 150 ms. Moreover, whereas pseudowords e
licit larger N400s when used as verbs than when used as nouns, unambiguous
nouns and ambiguous words used as nouns elicit more frontocentral negativit
y than unambiguous verbs and ambiguous words used as verbs, respectively. A
dditionally, unambiguous verbs elicit a left-lateralized, anterior positivi
ty (similar to 200 ms) not observed for any other stimulus type, though onl
y when these items are used appropriately as verbs (i.e. in verb-predicting
contexts). In summary, the pattern of neural activity observed in response
to lexical items depends on their general probability of being a verb or a
noun and on the particular role they are playing in any given sentence. Th
is implicates more than a simple two-way distinction of the brain networks
involved in their storage and processing. Experience, as well as context du
ring on-line language processing, clearly shapes the neural representations
of nouns and verbs, such that there is no single neural marker of word cla
ss. Our results further suggest that the presence and nature of the word cl
ass-based dissociations observed after brain damage are similarly likely to
be a function of both the type of stimulus and the context in which it occ
urs, and thus must be assessed accordingly.