On the distribution of resumptive pronouns and wh-trace in Welsh

Welsh has generally been analyzed as allowing two types of relative clauses and other A'-constructions, one involving movement leaving a wh-trace, the other involving a resumptive pronoun in situ. In this paper, I argue that, despite the appearance of agreement, which seems to license a null resumpt ive pronoun, relative clauses formed on a number of syntactic positions (ob ject of periphrastic verb, object of preposition, embedded subject) may inv olve movement. Both movement and non-movement strategies are argued to be a vailable for some syntactic positions (object of preposition, embedded subj ect), and separate constraints must therefore be established for the distri bution of each. Resumptive pronouns are argued to be subject to a variant o f the A'-Disjointness Requirement. For wh-trace, the Welsh evidence is comp atible only with an account involving multiple cyclic movement via a VP-ext ernal position (SpecAgrOP) as well as SpecCP.