Scope reconstruction and A-movement

This paper re-examines recent arguments against A-movement reconstruction i n general, and the idea that there is a reconstruction residue. It argues t hat A-moving quantifiers do not usually exhibit reconstruction effects beca use arguments are interpreted in the position where their uninterpretable C ase feature is erased. It shows how the Case-checking condition on scope ta king can be obviated in the case of indefinites by means of covert insertio n of an expletive, and goes on to provide arguments that lowered readings o f indefinites involve literal lowering. This movement is subject to Relativ ized Minimality, thereby further supporting the claim that Quantifier Movem ent is a syntactic operation. The paper considers the possibility that such an account can be reconciled with the idea that copies left by A-movement necessarily delete, and argues that this is possible only if the derivation al character of syntax is strengthened.