Recent accounts of process nominals postulate a VP within the nominalized s
tructure. A verb becomes a nominal by a head raising operation to a nominal
affix. This view contrasts with analyses of process nominals as (pure) nom
inals with partial verbal properties, originally due to Chomsky (1970). Con
tributing to this debate, we will argue that direct evidence indicates that
English process nominals contain a VR Our evidence comes from the distribu
tion of adverbs on the one hand, and from the presence of the VP anaphor do
so in process nominals on the other. We show that a portion of the verbal
extended projection specifically excluding IP or CP is present in process n
ominals. An array of word order facts about process nominals falls into pla
ce when we further assume that the verb is raised from VP over the subject,
the object, and adverbs, adjoining to a nominal affix. Our analysis moreov
er adds to the evidence for functional structure above VP and supports part
icular claims about the syntax-morphology interface.